Every NCERT book that matters for UPSC — open a book, then a chapter. Learn each chapter's concepts, then how UPSC tests them — with diagrams, flowcharts and the past questions to attempt.
In simple wordsA big joint family may share one house but give each branch its own kitchen and budget, with family elders settling quarrels. Federalism is that arrangement for a country — and India built the house with a strong central hall.
Earlier chapters looked at the Union government; this one asks how power is shared between the Union and the States — and why the boundaries, names and number of States have changed so much since 1947. It is the chapter for Centre–State relations, Governors, Article 356, new States and special provisions.
Builds on Chapter 1 (borrowed quasi-federal idea from Canada), Chapter 4 (Governor, President's powers), Chapter 5 (Rajya Sabha and Article 249) and Chapter 6 (Supreme Court as federal umpire).
Leads to Chapter 8 (a third tier — local governments) and Chapter 9 (amending federal provisions needs State ratification).
UPSC: GS2 ‘functions and responsibilities of the Union and the States, issues and challenges pertaining to the federal structure, devolution of powers and finances’ and GS3 fiscal federalism — a large Prelims and Mains area.
Word
What it means here
Federalism
Power divided between national and regional governments, each autonomous in its sphere
Union of States
India's description in Article 1 — the word ‘federation’ is not used
Union / State / Concurrent List
Subjects for Parliament / State legislatures / both
Residuary powers
Subjects not in any list — with the Union in India
Unitary bias
Features that tilt power towards the Centre
Autonomy
More powers and resources for States within the Union — not secession
Governor
Constitutional head of a State, appointed by the President
President's rule
Union takeover of a State's government under Article 356
Linguistic States
States organised around a common language
Asymmetric federalism
Some States get special provisions (Beyond NCERT term)
Union Territory
Area administered by the Union, with or without a legislature
Finance Commission
Body that recommends sharing of taxes between Union and States (Beyond NCERT)
Reading the maps ‘India in 1947’ and ‘India Political’ (pages 151–152)
The 1947 map shows British provinces (Bombay, Madras, Central Provinces, United Provinces, Bihar, Assam…) alongside princely states such as Hyderabad, Mysore, Rajputana and Travancore, with the territories that went to Pakistan hatched.
The present-day map shows today's States and Union Territories — Telangana, Ladakh, the north-eastern States.
Compare them: boundaries, names (Mysore → Karnataka, Madras → Tamil Nadu) and the number of States have all changed — the story of Indian federalism in two pictures.
At a glance — the six ideas to carry away
Federalism = two levels of government, each autonomous, under a written, supreme constitution with an independent judiciary; India has a single citizenship.
India is a ‘Union of States’ (Article 1) — the Constitution never says ‘federation’. Three lists; residuary powers with the Union.
Strong Centre: Article 3 power over States' existence, emergencies, central finances and grants, Governors, Article 257 directions, All India Services.
Special provisions for NE and other States; Article 370 ended in 2019 — J&K and Ladakh became UTs on 31 October 2019.
1. What is federalism?
In simple wordsA school has one principal but several houses — Red, Blue, Green — each with its own captain and competitions. Students belong to a house and to the school. Federalism gives citizens that double belonging.
Many federations broke apart: the USSR (excessive centralisation and Russian domination), Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Pakistan; Canada nearly split between English and French speakers. India, born of Partition, has stayed united for over seven decades — so not just a federal constitution but the nature and practice of federalism matter. India's diversity — more than 20 major languages, several religions, millions of indigenous people — and shared history make it a land of ‘unity in diversity’.
Federalism accommodates two sets of polities — regional and national — each autonomous in its sphere. Some federations have dual citizenship; India has single citizenship.
People have two identities — Gujarati or Jharkhandi, and Indian.
The dual system is spelt out in a written constitution, supreme and the source of both governments' powers: defence and currency for the Union, local matters for the regions.
An independent judiciary resolves legal disputes over the division of powers.
But real politics, culture, trust and parties decide how a federation works; domination by one unit or group breeds resentment, secessionism, even civil war.
Reading the boxes ‘Federalism in West Indies’ and ‘Federalism in Nigeria’ (pages 153, 156)
West Indies: a federation formed in 1958 with a weak centre and economically independent units dissolved in 1962; in 1973 (Treaty of Chaguaramas — NCERT spells it ‘Chiguaramas’) the islands set up joint institutions, the Caribbean Community — they could neither live together as one country nor wholly apart.
Nigeria: northern and southern colonies until 1914; a federal constitution agreed at Ibadan in 1950; rivalry among Yoruba (West), Ibo (East) and Hausa-Fulani (North) led to military rule; police control shifted between constitutions (1960, 1979); democracy returned in 1999, but religious and oil-revenue conflicts persist — an overlap of ethnic, religious and economic divisions.
The point: a federal form without mutual trust cannot hold a country together.
Reading the side cartoons and ‘Check your progress’ (pages 154–156)
A boy compares federalism to school: an identity as class XI or XII, competition between divisions, but pride in one school.
A girl recalls Chapter 1: a constitution decides who has how much power.
Check your progress: who decides the Centre's powers in a federation? The constitution. How are Centre–State conflicts resolved? Legally by the judiciary, politically by negotiation.
2. Federalism in the Indian Constitution
In simple wordsIndia did not come together like separate shops forming a co-operative; it was one shop that opened branches. So the branches have their own shelves, but the head office keeps the keys to the building.
Leaders of the national movement knew that a large, diverse country needed power divided between provinces and the Centre, and that people of each region should govern themselves. Before Partition, a compromise giving very large powers to the regions was discussed because of the Muslim League's demands; after Partition the Constituent Assembly chose unity and co-operation between Centre and States with separate powers for the States — emphasising unity while recognising diversity. The Constitution does not even use the word ‘federation’: Article 1 says ‘India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States’, the States and territories being listed in the First Schedule.
Division of powers: two sets of governments, both constitutional, with clearly identified areas; disputes are resolved by the judiciary. Economic and financial powers are centralised: States have immense responsibilities but meagre revenue sources.
How the Constitution divides law-making powers.
Reading the Article 1 box, the chart of the three lists and the side cartoons (pages 157–159)
The Article 1 box prints the opening words — India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States; the States and territories are those in the First Schedule. Note what is missing: the word ‘federation’.
A chart branches from ‘Constitution of India’ into the Union List (defence, atomic energy, foreign affairs, war and peace, banking, railways, post and telegraph, airways, ports, foreign trade, currency), the State List (agriculture, police, prison, local government, public health, land, liquor, trade and commerce, livestock, State public services), the Concurrent List (education, transfer of non-agricultural property, forests, trade unions, adulteration, adoption and succession) and Residuary Powers (e.g. cyber laws — Union only). We redrew it as three columns.
A girl says the purpose of living together must be that all are happy. A boy compares State finances to a household where the husband holds the money and the wife must manage the house — the vertical fiscal imbalance in one image.
Check your progress: residuary powers need separate mention because new subjects (cyber security, space) keep arising and someone must legislate; States are dissatisfied because revenue is centralised and Union law prevails on concurrent subjects.
Beyond NCERT — Articles on legislative relations
Article 246 and the Seventh Schedule set out the three lists (UPSC 1985); Article 248 (and Union List entry 97) gives residuary power to Parliament; Article 254: on a concurrent subject, Union law prevails over a conflicting State law (unless the State law has the President's assent).
The 42nd Amendment (1976) moved five subjects from the State to the Concurrent List: education, forests, weights and measures, protection of wild animals and birds, and administration of justice (except the Supreme Court and High Courts).
Exam favourites: insurance and stock exchanges are Union subjects; population control and family planning, and economic and social planning, are concurrent; public health, fisheries and betting are State subjects; inter-State trade and commerce and inter-State quarantine are Union subjects (UPSC 1992, 1993, 2004, 2006, 2013, 2024). Agricultural income tax is assigned to the States by the Constitution itself (UPSC 1995).
Parliament can legislate on a State subject: if the Rajya Sabha so resolves (Art. 249), during a national emergency (Art. 250), if two or more States request (Art. 252), and to implement treaties without any State's consent (Art. 253; UPSC 2000, 2013).
3. Federalism with a strong central government
In simple wordsA new joint family with 500 cousins' households to merge, quarrels to settle and poverty to fight will want a strong head of the family — at least at first. India's framers made the Centre that head.
India had continental size, deep diversity and serious social problems; besides British provinces there were more than 500 princely states to integrate. Fear of disintegration and the need to plan against poverty, illiteracy and inequality led the framers to a strong Centre that works with the States.
Reading T.T. Krishnamachari's portrait and quotation (page 160)A pen sketch of T.T. Krishnamachari with his words of 25 November 1949: in all constitutions the drift has been towards the centre, because States, federal or unitary, have become welfare states rather than police states, and responsibility for the economic well-being of the country has become paramount for the centre. The point: a strong Centre was a deliberate choice for development, not only for security.
States' existence is in Parliament's hands: it can form new States by separating territory or uniting States and alter boundaries or names, after seeking the views of the State legislature concerned.
Emergency provisions can turn the federation into a highly centralised system; Parliament can then legislate on State subjects.
Finance: main revenue sources are with the Centre; States depend on grants; planning centralised economic decisions — the Planning Commission supervised State resources; discretionary grants have drawn charges of discrimination against opposition-ruled States.
Governor can recommend dismissal of the State government and dissolution of the Assembly, and can reserve State bills for the President, letting the Centre delay or veto them.
Parliament can legislate on State-List matters if the Rajya Sabha ratifies; the Union's executive power is superior and it can give directions to States (Article 257).
All India Services: IAS and IPS officers serve the States but are controlled by the Centre.
Articles 33 and 34 let Parliament protect persons acting to maintain order under martial law; NCERT links the Armed Forces Special Powers Act to these provisions — an Act that has caused tensions with people.
Reading the Article 257(1) box and the side cartoons (pages 161–162)
The box prints Article 257(1): a State's executive power must not impede the Union's, and the Union may give States necessary directions (Beyond NCERT: under Article 365, failure to comply can be treated as a breakdown justifying Article 356).
A boy realises India designed federalism to suit its needs rather than borrowing blindly; another exclaims that the Centre seems all-powerful — don't States complain? They do: see section 4.
Federal features and the Centre's extra strength.
Precise points
India is not federal because of dual citizenship (it has single citizenship) or a dual judiciary (it has an integrated one) or merely a written constitution — the defining feature is the constitutional division of powers (UPSC 1987, 1994). The Rajya Sabha's representation of States is a federal feature (UPSC 2021).
Indian federalism is not the result of an agreement among the units, unlike the USA (UPSC 2017); States receive unequal representation in the Rajya Sabha.
Creating a State requires amending the First Schedule (and the Fourth, for Rajya Sabha seats) by an ordinary law under Articles 3–4 (UPSC 2001).
NCERT's ‘Planning Commission’ is dated — it was replaced by NITI Aayog on 1 January 2015. The Planning Commission, NDC and Zonal Councils are not in the Constitution (UPSC 2013).
Central control over State administration through directions is sometimes called ‘municipal’ relations (UPSC 1994).
Reading ‘Check your progress’ on unitary bias (page 163)Two reasons for the unitary bias: Parliament's power over States' existence (Art. 3) and centralised finance/emergency powers. Does a strong Centre make States weak, or strong States a weak Centre? Not necessarily — co-operative federalism can strengthen both; see the in-text answers.
4. Conflicts in India's federal system
In simple wordsIn any family the branches eventually ask for a bigger share of the budget and more say in decisions. That is not a desire to leave the family — just to be respected within it.
Recognising State identities while giving the Centre more power naturally produces demands for more powers and autonomy. Legal disputes go to the courts; autonomy demands are political and need negotiation. The Constitution is a skeleton; politics provides the flesh: 1950s–early 1960s — Congress dominance, normal relations except over new States; mid-1960s — opposition governments in many States, demands for autonomy and complaints of interference; since the 1990s — coalitions at the Centre, regional parties in the States, more say for States and a ‘more mature federalism’.
Autonomy means different things: (1) more and more important powers for States (Tamil Nadu, Punjab, West Bengal; DMK, Akali Dal, CPI-M); (2) financial autonomy — independent revenue and control of resources (West Bengal's Left Front document of 1977); (3) administrative control, resenting central control of the machinery; (4) cultural and linguistic issues — opposition to Hindi domination in Tamil Nadu, advancing Punjabi; anti-Hindi agitations in the 1960s.
Where Centre–State and inter-State tensions come from.
Reading Shankar's cartoon of 18 September 1949 and the side cartoon (page 165)
A group of enthusiasts — one brandishing a stick — push and pull a figure labelled as non-Hindi, while Nehru, hand raised, tries to restrain them. NCERT: during the national-language debate Nehru had to appeal to the Hindi-speaking provinces to show greater tolerance. The point: language imposed from above breeds resentment.
A boy, peering from a cupboard, notes Hindi is the official language but many friends from other regions don't know it.
Governors: not elected; often retired officers or politicians; appointed by the Centre, so their actions are seen as central interference — especially when different parties rule Centre and State. The Sarkaria Commission (set up 1983, reported 1988) recommended strictly non-partisan appointments. Article 356 provides President's rule when a State's government cannot be carried on according to the Constitution; the Union takes over; the proclamation must be ratified by Parliament; it can be extended up to three years. The Governor's report can lead to dismissal of the government and suspension or dissolution of the Assembly. Governments with majorities were dismissed (Kerala, 1959) or dismissed without testing their majority (several States after 1967). The Supreme Court has ruled that the validity of President's rule can be examined by courts. Used sparingly till 1967, it was often used afterwards when non-Congress parties ruled States — e.g. elected governments were removed in Andhra Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir in the 1980s.
Reading Shankar's cartoon of 27 April 1952 and R.K. Laxman's cartoon (pages 166–167)
Shankar, titled ‘Kicking upstairs’: a figure is booted up to an upper window of a large building while another clings to the ground below; NCERT: when Nehru appointed Governors, some were reluctant to give up ministerial chairs. The point: Governorships were seen as a way to move politicians aside.
Laxman: a politician at a microphone indignantly denies toppling non-Congress governments — ‘we topple our own too’, naming several States. NCERT: ‘Toppling the State governments. Everyone loves to play this game!’ The point: Article 356 and Governors became tools of party politics.
⤵ President's rule under Article 356 (detail Beyond NCERT)
Report of the Governor, or otherwisethe President is satisfied the State's government cannot be carried on per the Constitution
ProclamationState executive taken over; Assembly suspended or dissolved; Parliament exercises the State legislature's powers
Approval by both Houses within two monthsthen valid for six months at a time
Extensions up to three yearsbeyond one year only if a national emergency is on and the Election Commission certifies elections are difficult (44th Amendment)
Revocationan elected government returns
Judicial reviewS.R. Bommai (1994): courts can strike it down; majority to be tested on the floor
Beyond NCERT — Governors and emergencies
Governor: appointed by the President (Art. 155); holds office during the President's pleasure (Art. 156) — so a five-year term does not prevent earlier removal or allow automatic continuation (UPSC 1995); removal must not be arbitrary (B.P. Singhal, 2010). The same person can be Governor of two or more States. The Constitution expressly mentions the Governor's discretion (Art. 163; UPSC 2025); in practice it covers reporting for President's rule and reserving bills for the President (Art. 200; UPSC 2014) — the President cannot himself reserve a State bill (UPSC 2025). Governors enjoy immunity from courts for official acts and from criminal proceedings during office; their emoluments cannot be cut during their term (Art. 361, 158; UPSC 2018, 2025). The Governor of Assam has special responsibilities for tribal areas under the Sixth Schedule (UPSC 1987).
Commissions: Sarkaria (Centre–State relations; recommended an eminent outsider, detached from politics, as Governor — UPSC 1984, 1986, 2019); the Rajamannar Committee (1969, Tamil Nadu) and the Punchhi Commission (2007–2010) also reported. The 1983 opposition conclave in Srinagar asked for an Inter-State Council and more autonomy (UPSC 1984).
Under President's rule the Assembly is not automatically dissolved, Fundamental Rights are not suspended, and Parliament (not the President) exercises the legislature's powers (UPSC 2017, 2018). Its use fell sharply after S.R. Bommai (Mains 2023).
Emergencies: national (Art. 352 — the 44th Amendment replaced ‘internal disturbance’ with ‘armed rebellion’, UPSC 1979), President's rule (Art. 356), financial (Art. 360 — approved within two months and then continues until revoked; UPSC 2007; Mains 2018). Article 355: the Union must protect every State against external aggression and internal disturbance (UPSC 2003).
Demands for new States: the national movement fostered unity around language and culture as well as the nation, and decided that States would, as far as possible, follow cultural and linguistic identity. The States Reorganisation Commission was set up in December 1953 and recommended linguistic States for major language groups; reorganisation came in 1956. Gujarat and Maharashtra followed in 1960; Punjab and Haryana separated in 1966; the North-East was reorganised (Manipur, Tripura, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh). In 2000, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar were divided to create Chhattisgarh, Uttarakhand and Jharkhand; in 2014Telangana was carved from Andhra Pradesh. Some regions, like Vidarbha, still seek Statehood.
Reorganisation of States.
Reading Shankar's cartoon of 26 July 1953 and the Activity (pages 167–168)
A huge, jostling crowd of figures bearing placards for different regional and linguistic demands surges around a small seated figure. NCERT: ‘Flood of demands for creating new States’ — on the eve of the 1953 Commission.
The Activity: list each State and the year it was created (Beyond NCERT: Andhra State 1953, the big reorganisation 1956, Nagaland 1963, Himachal Pradesh 1971, Manipur, Tripura and Meghalaya 1972, Sikkim 1975, Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh and Goa 1987).
⤵ How a new State is created (Articles 3–4 — Beyond NCERT detail)
Demand and political decisionlanguage, region or administrative efficiency
Bill introduced on the President's recommendationonly in Parliament
President refers it to the State legislaturefor its views within a set time — not binding
Parliament passes it by simple majoritynot a constitutional amendment under Article 368 (Art. 4)
First and Fourth Schedules updatednew State, new Rajya Sabha seats
Inter-State conflicts: courts decide legal aspects, but these disputes are political and need negotiation. Border disputes: Maharashtra–Karnataka over Belgaum; Manipur–Nagaland; Punjab–Haryana over border areas and Chandigarh, capital of both — the 1985 understanding with Rajiv Gandhi to hand it to Punjab has not been implemented. River waters are more serious: the Kaveri dispute between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka (a tribunal exists but the case reached the Supreme Court) and the Narmada dispute among Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra.
⤵ How an inter-State river dispute travels (Article 262 — Beyond NCERT detail)
States disagree over sharing a rivere.g. Kaveri: Karnataka upstream, Tamil Nadu downstream
Negotiation failsa State asks the Union for adjudication
Union sets up a tribunalunder the Inter-State River Water Disputes Act, 1956
Award is notifiedbinding on the States
Implementedoften through a management authority
Contestedappeals reach the Supreme Court (NCERT: the Kaveri case did)
Beyond NCERT — co-operative machinery
Article 262 lets Parliament provide for adjudicating inter-State river disputes and bar other courts; tribunals are set up under the Inter-State River Water Disputes Act, 1956.
Article 263: Inter-State Council, set up in 1990 on Sarkaria's advice — the only one of ISC, National Security Council and Zonal Councils created under the Constitution (UPSC 2025). Zonal Councils are statutory (States Reorganisation Act, 1956); the North Eastern Council was created by a 1971 Act and made a planning body in 2002 (UPSC 2024). UPSC 1995 keyed NDC, the Governors' Conference and Zonal Councils as ‘extra-constitutional and extra-legal’ — keep the key, but note Zonal Councils rest on a statute.
Belgaum is now officially Belagavi.
Reading the side cartoons and Activity (pages 164, 168–169)
A girl concludes that laws and constitutions alone don't decide everything — politics does. Another asks whether federalism is all about conflict; a third answers that despite conflicts over Governors, language, borders and water, ‘we manage to live together’.
Activity: collect information on one river-water dispute (e.g. Cauvery — tribunal award 2007 and Supreme Court judgment 2018, Beyond NCERT).
In simple wordsThe Centre collects most of the household income; the States run most of the kitchens. A neutral elder — the Finance Commission — decides every five years how much goes to each kitchen.
NCERT stresses that financial powers are centralised and grants can be lopsided. UPSC tests the machinery behind this:
How money flows from the Union to the States.
⤵ Finance Commission cycle (Beyond NCERT)
President constitutes itevery five years or earlier (Art. 280): a chairman and four members
Studies Union and State financesconsults States and the Union
Recommendsshare of divisible central taxes for States and its distribution among them; grants-in-aid (Art. 275)
President lays the report before Parliamentwith an explanatory memorandum (Art. 281)
Union implementse.g. the 14th Commission raised States' share to 42%; the 15th set 41%
Beyond NCERT — fiscal federalism facts
The Finance Commission is constitutional, appointed every fifth year, and its main job is to recommend distribution of tax revenue and grants between the Union and the States (UPSC 1980, 1982, 1984, 1989, 1993, 2000, 2002, 2003); the President lays its recommendations before Parliament (UPSC 2010). It does not allow withdrawals from the Consolidated Fund or supervise spending.
GST: the 101st Amendment (2016) created concurrent taxing power (Art. 246A) and the GST Council (Art. 279A) of the Union and State finance ministers; GST began on 1 July 2017, with compensation to States for five years under a 2017 Act (Mains 2023; GS3 2020).
The Planning Commission and NDC were executive bodies; NITI Aayog replaced the Commission in 2015 (UPSC 2013, 2014).
6. Special provisions and Jammu and Kashmir
In simple wordsIn a class, the teacher may let a student with weak eyesight sit in front. That is not favouritism; it is fairness to a different situation. Special provisions treat some States differently for their particular history and society.
The most extraordinary feature of Indian federalism is differential treatment. The Rajya Sabha is already asymmetrical; and though the division of powers is common to all States, special provisions exist for some — mostly in the North-East (Assam, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, etc.) because of large indigenous tribal populations with distinct histories, though these have not ended alienation and insurgency in parts of the region. Special provisions also exist for hill States like Himachal Pradesh and for Andhra Pradesh, Goa, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Sikkim and Telangana.
Beyond NCERT — where the special provisions are
Articles 371 to 371J: Maharashtra and Gujarat (371), Nagaland (371A), Assam (371B), Manipur (371C), Andhra Pradesh and Telangana (371D, 371E), Sikkim (371F), Mizoram (371G), Arunachal Pradesh (371H), Goa (371I), Karnataka's Hyderabad–Karnataka region (371J, 98th Amendment 2012). Himachal Pradesh has no separate Article 371 clause — its special treatment has been mainly financial (‘special category’ status).
Fifth Schedule (Scheduled Areas in most States) and Sixth Schedule (autonomous district councils in tribal areas of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram) protect Scheduled Tribes (UPSC 2015, 2026); Scheduled-Area status helps prevent transfer of tribal land to non-tribals, but the State does not lose its executive power there (UPSC 2022, 2025).
Delhi: the 69th Amendment (1991) created a legislature and council of ministers for the National Capital Territory (Article 239AA; UPSC 2001; Mains 2016). In July 2018 a Constitution Bench held that the Lieutenant Governor is generally bound by the elected government's aid and advice except in public order, police and land (Mains 2018); after a 2023 judgment on control of services, Parliament passed the Government of NCT of Delhi (Amendment) Act, 2023.
Jammu and Kashmir had special status under Article 370. It was a large princely State with the option to join India or Pakistan or stay independent; in October 1947, after Pakistan sent tribal infiltrators, Maharaja Hari Singh sought India's help and acceded to the Indian Union. Unlike the Muslim-majority areas that joined Pakistan, J&K was given much greater autonomy: Union- and Concurrent-List laws needed the State's concurrence. Over time Presidential orders made large parts of the Constitution applicable, so although J&K had its own constitution and flag, Parliament's power over Union-List subjects was accepted. Remaining differences: no emergency for internal disturbance without the State's concurrence, no financial emergency, Directive Principles did not apply, and amendments applied only with the State government's concurrence. Now the special status no longer exists: under the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019, the State was bifurcated into two Union Territories — Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh — with effect from 31 October 2019.
Jammu and Kashmir's constitutional position, 1947–2024 (factual summary).
Beyond NCERT — the 2019 changes and the 2023 judgment (factual)
On 5 August 2019 a Presidential order applied all provisions of the Constitution to Jammu and Kashmir, and on 6 August 2019 a declaration under Article 370(3) made the other provisions of Article 370 inoperative; the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019 created the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir (with a legislature) and the Union Territory of Ladakh (without one), in force from 31 October 2019.
On 11 December 2023 a five-judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court (In Re: Article 370 of the Constitution) upheld the 2019 Presidential orders making Article 370 inoperative, holding it to have been a temporary provision, and upheld the creation of the Union Territory of Ladakh; it did not decide whether converting the State into a Union Territory was valid, recording the Union's assurance that Statehood would be restored, and directed that Statehood be restored at the earliest and Assembly elections be held by 30 September 2024. Assembly elections were held in September–October 2024.
Mains 2016 asked how ‘temporary’ Article 370 was; Mains 2025 asked about the nature and powers of the Assembly of the UT of Jammu and Kashmir.
Reading ‘Check your progress’ and the side cartoon (page 170)
Why do States want autonomy? To govern according to their own needs, culture and language, with resources to match responsibilities. Autonomy vs secession: autonomy seeks more powers within the Union; secession seeks to leave it.
A girl now understands the ‘intelligent and balanced design’ of Chapter 1 — accommodating diversity without breaking unity.
Conclusion (NCERT): federalism is like a rainbow — separate colours in a harmonious pattern. No legal formula can guarantee it; people and politics must develop trust, tolerance and co-operation. Forced uniformity breeds strife; a polity responsive to diversity and autonomy demands is the basis of co-operative federalism.
NCERT's in-text questions, cartoons and activities — short answers
What accounts for India staying united when other federations broke up? (page 153)
A federal design that accommodated languages and regions (linguistic States), a strong but democratic Centre, shared history of the freedom struggle, democratic politics where regional parties share power, judicial umpiring, and willingness to negotiate autonomy and special provisions rather than suppress them.
Check your progress: who decides the Centre's powers; how are conflicts resolved? (page 156)
The constitution decides; legal conflicts go to the Supreme Court (original jurisdiction), political ones through negotiation and institutions such as the Inter-State Council.
Check your progress: why mention residuary powers separately; why are States dissatisfied? (page 158)
New subjects keep arising, and the Constitution must say who legislates — in India, the Union. States are dissatisfied because big taxes are central, they depend on grants, Union law prevails on concurrent subjects, and Article 249 and emergencies can override them.
‘Money is with the husband; the wife must manage the household.’ (page 158)
A vivid image of vertical fiscal imbalance: States spend on health, police, agriculture, but the Centre raises most revenue. Finance Commission transfers and GST sharing try to correct it.
Check your progress: two reasons for unitary bias; does a strong Centre make States weak, or strong States a weak Centre? (page 163)
Reasons: Parliament can reshape States (Art. 3); emergency and financial centralisation (also Governors, Art. 257, All India Services). Strong Centre vs strong States: not a zero-sum game — co-operative federalism, financial devolution and consultation can make both effective; problems arise when the Centre's strength is used for partisan ends.
‘The Centre appears all-powerful — don't the States complain?’ (page 162)
Yes — through autonomy demands, opposition to Governors' actions, demands for financial devolution, and the Sarkaria and Punchhi commissions.
Activity: list the States and the year each was created. (page 168)
‘Is federalism all about conflict? Can't we live together peacefully?’ (page 168)
Conflict is normal in a diverse democracy; federalism provides peaceful channels — courts, negotiation, tribunals, councils — so that disagreements don't become secession.
Activity: one river-water dispute. (page 169)
Cauvery: Karnataka (upstream) and Tamil Nadu (downstream), plus Kerala and Puducherry; tribunal formed 1990, final award 2007, Supreme Court judgment 2018 modified shares and led to the Cauvery Water Management Authority (Beyond NCERT).
Check your progress: why autonomy; autonomy vs secession? (page 170)
Autonomy is about more powers, resources and cultural recognition within India; secession is breaking away. Accommodating autonomy is often the best defence against secessionism.
NCERT exercise — answer outlines
Try each question yourself first, then open the outline to compare. NCERT has no MCQs here; the self-check below is built from the text and Prelims patterns.
Q1. Which news items relate to the functioning of federalism, and why? (Darjeeling Sixth Schedule settlement; plans for rain-hit States; new MCD commissioner; Manipur University made central; funds released to Arunachal; attack on non-Maharashtrian students; demand to dismiss Nagaland's government; Bihar's appeal to naxalites.)
Federal: the tripartite Darjeeling settlement (Centre–State–regional body; Sixth-Schedule-type autonomy); Centre's relief plans for States (financial relations); central university in Manipur (Union subject in a State); funds to Arunachal (grants); demand to the Governor for dismissing the Nagaland government (Governor, Art. 356); attacks on non-Maharashtrian students (tension between regional identity and national citizenship — free movement). Not specifically federal: a municipal commissioner's transfer (administration — though an IAS officer moving between cadres touches All India Services) and Bihar's internal appeal to naxalites (State law and order).
Q2. True or false: (a) federalism lets regions interact without fear of cultural imposition (b) federalism hinders economic transactions between regions (c) federalism keeps the Centre's powers limited.
(a) Correct — each region keeps its culture and language while sharing the nation. (b) Incorrect — a common market, single currency and Union control of inter-State trade ease exchange. (c) Partly — powers are constitutionally limited, but in India the Centre is deliberately strong (residuary powers, emergencies), so not strongly limited.
Q3. Belgium's Articles 1–5: how is federalism visualised? Write a similar Article for India.
Belgium describes itself explicitly as a federal State of communities (language-based: French, Flemish, German) and regions (territorial: Walloon, Flemish, Brussels), with linguistic regions — identity-based, power-sharing federalism. India's Article 1 says ‘Union of States’ with States listed in the First Schedule. A model draft: ‘India, that is Bharat, is a Union of States, a federal republic in which the Union and the States, each with powers under this Constitution, together protect the unity and the linguistic and cultural diversity of its people…’
Q4. Essay (300 words): rewrite the federal provisions — division of powers, finances, inter-State disputes, Governors.
Powers: shift some concurrent subjects back to States; consultation before Union laws on concurrent subjects; limit Article 249 use. Finance: larger guaranteed share of central taxes; reduce discretionary grants; strengthen the GST Council's consensus; let States borrow more freely. Disputes: empower the Inter-State Council (Art. 263) with regular meetings; time-bound river tribunals with enforceable awards; permanent river basin authorities. Governors: appointment after consulting the Chief Minister, from eminent non-partisan persons (Sarkaria), fixed term with removal only for cause, time limits on assent decisions; Article 356 only as last resort with a floor test (Bommai).
Q5. What should be the basis for forming a State: language, economic interests, religion, administrative convenience?
Language has been the main and largely successful basis (1956) — it matches culture and governance. Administrative convenience and regional development also matter (2000 States; Telangana). Economic interests alone are weak grounds. Religion must be rejected — it contradicts secularism and recalls Partition. Best: a mix of language, administrative viability and people's wishes.
Q6. If Rajasthan, MP, UP and Bihar were merged as one Hindi State, would it suit federalism?
No. Language is not the only identity — regions within the Hindi belt differ in culture, dialect and economy; a giant State would dominate the Union (seats in Parliament), be administratively unwieldy, and upset the balance among States. Federalism needs units of manageable size and some balance; the trend has been to divide large States (2000), not merge them.
Q7. Four features giving the Centre more power than States.
Parliament's power to create or alter States (Art. 3); emergency provisions (Arts 352, 356, 360); residuary powers and Union-law primacy on concurrent subjects (Arts 248, 254); centralised finances and grants; Governor appointed by the Centre and power to reserve bills; Union directions (Art. 257); All India Services; Article 249 legislation on State subjects.
Q8. Why are many States unhappy with the Governor's role?
Appointed by the Centre, often politicians, seen as agents of the ruling party at the Centre; reports leading to President's rule (Kerala 1959, 1980s cases); discretion in inviting parties to form governments in hung Assemblies; delaying or reserving State bills; acting as university chancellors against State wishes. Remedies: Sarkaria and Punchhi recommendations, Bommai's floor-test rule.
Q9. Is President's rule justified in each case? (two opposition MLAs killed; rising kidnapping and crimes against women; hung Assembly with fear of horse-trading; different parties ruling State and Centre; 2,000 killed in communal riots; a State defying the Supreme Court in a water dispute)
Not fit: murders of two MLAs (law-and-order failure, not constitutional breakdown); rising crime (governance failure, remedied politically and legally); hung Assembly (try a floor test first — Bommai); different parties ruling (never a ground). Possibly fit: 2,000 killed in riots if the State government is unable or unwilling to control them — a breakdown of constitutional machinery (Art. 355 duty, then 356); defiance of the Supreme Court — failure to comply with constitutional obligations can be treated as a breakdown (Art. 365), but courts would prefer contempt and enforcement first. Article 356 must be a last resort.
Q10. What demands have States raised in seeking greater autonomy?
More and more important powers (TN, Punjab, West Bengal; DMK, Akali Dal, CPI-M); financial autonomy and independent revenue (West Bengal 1977 document); administrative control over officers; cultural and linguistic recognition (against Hindi domination; promoting Punjabi). Also: Governors' role, restrictions on Article 356, larger tax shares.
Q11. Should some States have special provisions? Does it create resentment? Does it help unity?
Yes where history and society differ — tribal areas of the North-East (Sixth Schedule, Art. 371A–H) protect land, customs and identity and helped integrate regions. Resentment can arise if others see it as privilege (e.g. debates over Article 370 or special-category status). Unity: asymmetric accommodation has generally helped hold a diverse country together (‘unity in diversity’), but special provisions must be transparent, reviewed and paired with development so they don't deepen alienation.
What to remember
Numbers
Article 1India, that is Bharat, shall be a Union of States
Princely states at independence (NCERT)more than 500
Major languages (NCERT)more than 20
West Indies federation1958–1962; Caribbean Community 1973
India has single citizenship and an integrated judiciary — not dual.
Indian federation is not the result of an agreement among States.
A treaty-implementing law needs no State's consent (Art. 253).
Under President's rule the Assembly is not automatically dissolved; Fundamental Rights are not suspended.
The Governor holds office at the President's pleasure; a five-year term is not guaranteed.
The President cannot reserve a State bill on his own; only the Governor can reserve it.
The Inter-State Council (Art. 263) is constitutional; Zonal Councils are statutory; NDC and Planning Commission were neither.
Planning Commission was replaced by NITI Aayog in 2015 — NCERT's reference is dated.
Himachal Pradesh has no Article 371 clause; its special treatment was financial.
Creating a State needs only an ordinary law amending the First (and Fourth) Schedule.
How to strategise
Prelims — what UPSC asks
Nature of federalism: what makes India federal (1987, 1994, 2021), what is not a feature (2017), ‘municipal relations’ (1994), Seventh Schedule (1985), list placements (1992, 1993, 2004, 2006, 2013, 2024), agricultural income tax (1995), treaties (2000, 2013), Articles 257 and 355 (2004, 2003), new State and First Schedule (2001), 1956 reorganisation (1983).
Finance and co-operation: Finance Commission (1980, 1982, 1984, 1989, 1993, 2000, 2002, 2003, 2010, 2011), NDC and planning (2013, 2014), extra-constitutional bodies (1995, 2013), constitutional councils (2025), NEC (2024). Special areas: Fifth/Sixth Schedules (2015, 2022, 2025, 2026), 69th Amendment (2001).
Mains — where it appears and how to answer
GS2 — design: federalism leaning towards the Centre (2014), cooperative federalism (2015), GoI Act 1935 as federal (2016), federal supremacy and harmonious construction (2019), asymmetric federalism (2026), national vs regional parties (2022).
GS2 — flashpoints: Article 356's declining use (2023), Governor's assent powers (2026), CBI jurisdiction in States (2021), Centre–State relations changes (2024), Delhi's 69th Amendment and the 2018 judgment (2016, 2018), Article 370 (2016), J&K UT Assembly (2025), financial emergency (2018).
GS2/GS3 — fiscal federalism: Finance Commission (2018), 14th Finance Commission (2021), fiscal federalism and planned development (2025), GST and federalism (2023; GS3 2020). GS1: new States and the economy (2018).